Immigration Law, Policy & Politics : Southern California Immigration Lawyer & Attorney : Carlos Batara Law Firm : Riverside, San Diego, Los Angeles

Over the past decade, immigration hearings have often resembled kangaroo court proceedings.  Worse, when challenges are filed at the Board of Immigration Appeals, the nation's highest administrative body for interpreting and applying immigration law, it is not uncommon for the BIA to adopt the role of a rubber stamp.  

Not surprisingly, public confidence in the immigration court process has eroded.

A Day At The Immigration Court

A few days ago, as I sat in the immigration court lobby, a distressed colleague stopped to ask me a question.  He had just received an unfavorable ruling.  An immigration judge ordered his client to be removed from the United States.  The judge held his client's testimony was not specific enough about his family's relocation plan if he was deported.

About 15 minutes later, another fellow bar member stormed out of a different courtroom across the hall.  She, too, was upset because her client had lost his case.  The judge held against her client because his testimony was too specific about his family's relocation plans.

Given the current system of immigration appeals, I'm not sure their chances of winning on appeal are any better.

The ABA Report On Immigration Appeals

Recently, a report commissioned by the American Bar Association, Reforming the Immigration System: Proposals to Promote Independence, Fairness, Efficiency, and Professionalism in the Adjudication of Removal Cases (PDF), outlined concerns about the immigration appellate system.

According to the report, many of the current problems can be traced to "streamlining" procedures implemented between 1999 and 2002.  The changes were designed to address backlogs and delays - which presumably encouraged abuse of the immigration appellate system and caused hardships for immigrants with meritorious claims.  

The changes have not worked out as intended.

In 1999 the first streamlining reforms took place, allowing a single Board member to affirm a decision of an immigration judge without opinion ("AWOs") in a limited category of cases.  Before this change, all decisions required three Board members.

In 2002 streamlining took a huge leap forward.  These changes, noted the ABA:

• Expanded the category of cases in which AWOs and single-member review were appropriate.  Within the next year AWOs accounted for 36% of Board decisions.  Although this figure has decreased, short opinions remain the dominant form of BIA decision-making.  Now, the Board's decision are often only two to three sentences, even when the issues appear to merit longer analysis.
• Eliminated the BIA's authority to conduct de novo fact finding, limiting review of fact and credibility determination to a "clearly erroneous" standard.  This inhibits the Board's ability to correct mistakes by immigration judges and to check against unwarranted disparities among judges in factually similar cases.
• Imposed time limits for rendering decisions, requiring single-member opinions to be issued within 90 days and panel decisions within 180 days.  These time limits place an unreasonable burden on immigrants and their attorneys in many cases, as well as serve as an irrational incentive for truncated BIA opinions. 
• Reduced the size of the BIA from 23 to 11 members.  Even though the size of the Board had been increased back to 16 members, insufficient resources are still a major hurdle to adequately handling the 30,00 new appeals filed annually.

According to the ABA, the combination of these factors have caused a dearth of Board precedent and guidance for immigration courts, appellants, and immigration appeals lawyers.  To be designated as precedent, decisions must be issued by a three-member panel or the Board en banc.  As a result, the vast majority of Board decisions are now unpublished and, although binding on the parties, do not serve as precedent.

Immigration Appeals: Missing Authority, Absent Leadership

There are no cases, to the best of my knowledge, on point to guide my colleagues on what constitutes sufficient, but not too much, testimony about an immigrant's relocation plans if he or she is forced to leave our country.

On appeal, my fellow bar members will need to pioneer their own paths.

Holding their breath is not advised.  As I wrote in Sleeping Justice: The Board of Immigration Appeals' Failure to Lead, I have been waiting over 7 1/2 years for the BIA to clarify hardship factors in cancellation of removal cases.  

Either standard used to deny my fellow bar members' cases, in the absence of judicial clarity, is near tantamount to an unconscionable standard.

Like Congressman Gary Ackerman, "I'm in favor of immigration but we also need rules."

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In the view of immigration restrictionists, a simple legal reform would reduce illegal immigration.

All that is required, writes George Will in the Washington Post, is to correct the misinterpretation of the 14th Amendment's first sentence:

"All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the state wherein they reside."

Children of illegal immigrants were not part of the 14th Amendment's coverage, argues Will, since there were no laws in 1868 restricting immigration.

The Suggested Reform Is Not Simple

John Eastman, Dean at the Chapman University School of Law, supports Will's position.  He outlines three possible paths for changing the 14th Amendment.

The first path is via constitutional amendment.  In Eastman's view this path is redundant and not necessary.  Second, he suggests Congress could simply pass a statute re-defining the automatic citizenship requirement.  Third, he asserts if a City does not recognize the citizenship of children born to undocumented immigrants, this would force an expedited legal showdown.

Eastman concedes, whichever approach is taken, the federal courts and ultimately the Supreme Court will have to weigh in on the issue. 

Other constitutional scholars believe the position advanced by Will is dead wrong.

According to Elizabeth Wydra, Chief Counsel at the Constitutional Accountability Center, the Citizenship Clause was proposed, enacted, and ratified with the understanding that it provided automatic birthright citizenship to children born in the United States to alien parents.

"Providing for birthright citizenship regardless of race, color, or previous condition of servitude righted the horrible wrong of Dred Scott v. Sandford," stresses Wydra, "and ensured that all native-born children, whether members of an unpopular minority or descendants of privileged ancestors, would have the inalienable right to citizenship."

Provoking a new civil war centering on the 14th Amendment doesn't seem like a simple reform to me.

Bad Politics, Bad Law, or Both?

When it comes to Immigration law, immigration politics is too often the tail wagging the dog.

The discussion over the 14th Amendment is no different.   Utilizing imagery of illegal immigrants capsizing the American ship, restrictionists seek to impose their political agenda on our nation's immigration laws.

Although Will relies on the work of Lino Gragli, a law professor at the University of Texas, it's hard to overlook the political basis of Gragli's position:

"A parent from a poor country . . .  can hardly do more for a child then make him or her an American citizen, entitled to all the advantages of the American welfare state."

On the one hand, few would argue the United States is not a special place to live.  On the other, in my 17 years as an immigration lawyer in Southern California, I've never met anyone who came here to obtain citizenship for an unborn child.  In all likelihood, this reason may motivate some immigrants - but the true figures are far less than the political rhetoric suggests.

The reality is love just happens, usually unexpectedly.  Having a child born in the United States is normally a byproduct of living here, not vice versa.    

Immigrants enter the U.S. for a host of reasons.  To name a few, persecution, economic opportunity, religious freedom, as well as poverty.          

If fixing our broken immigration system is the objective, eliminating birthright citizenship is not the answer.  The net effect would increase, not decrease, immigration problems.  A new underclass of children born here but not entitled to live here or anywhere else would be created. 

Political aims tend to be short-sighted.  Our legal system needs more durable standards.

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As an immigration attorney in Riverside, it's a question I hear almost every day.

"Do you think," ask clients, "we'll have immigration reform this year?"

It's a tough question.

Immigration reform resembles a ping pong match.

Ping.

According to the Los Angeles Times, the President met yesterday with two senators, Democrat Charles Schumer and Republican Lindsey Graham, whose support are crucial to immigration reform.  Presumably, the purpose was to ask them to hasten a blueprint.

Pong.

Just a month ago, immigration reform seemed dead.  After Scott Brown won the Massachusetts special election, Newsweek's blog, The Gaggle, reported the chances of having an immigration reform bill had become dramatically slimmer.

Obama's State of the Union Speech also contributed to the pessismistic outlook of pro-reform leaders.  Many observers felt his reluctance to address immigration reform was tantamount to abandonment. 

Reverend Samuel Rodriguez, head of the largest U.S. Hispanic Christian organization, labeled Obama's 38-word commentary "a crumb" to satisfy the hunger of immigrant communities.  He added it marked the death knell of immigration reform in 2010.

Ping.

The disillusionment articulated by Rodriguez was a stark contrast to sentiments last fall.

In November, DHS secretary Janet Napolitano stated the Obama Administration would push for immigration reform in 2010. 

Shortly afterwards, Congressman Louis Gutierrez introduced the Comprehensive Immigration Reform for America's Security and Prosperity Act (CIR ASAP) Act of 2009. 

Pro-immigrant leaders expressed optimism about the prospects of immigration reform.

Pong.

Prior to these gestures, despite Obama's bold campaign promises, immigration reform languished for several months after his victory. 

At a populist pit stop in my neck of the woods last spring, the president was taken aback when posed a question about immigration reform.  The question was not surprising for a Southern California audience.  Yet, Obama's response resembled a rookie batter swinging at one of Josh Beckett's curveballs. 

And The Winner Is . . . 

The president understands the volatility of reform.  He has tried to appease both sides of the immigration equation.  However, with midterm elections around the corner, the issue is reaching a boiling point. 

Very soon, the administration will have to fish or cut bait.

The Democratic Solution: Counting Votes

Before joining the bar, I spent several years working in political offices. 

I learned the art of counting votes.  Before diving in too deeply.

Given the uncertain political climate in a midterm election year, my guess is the president will take a middle-of-the-road approach. 

He cannot go too far in promoting pro-immigration legislation or he'll lose the support of many moderates. 

On the other hand, as Politico's Ben Smith points out, Obama must push some of his campaign promises to maintain the enthusiasm of immigrant communities which strongly voted for his party two years ago.

My hunch is that one or two "safer" pieces of the pro-immigrant agenda will be taken up in the spring or early summer. 

But like I tell my clients, don't bet the house on it.

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Last week, a New America Media report disclosed 100 House members have asked President Obama to jump start the immigration reform debate.

When the issue returns, I hope Congress remembers the kids.

Immigrant children are innocent victims of our inability to shape a compromise on immigration.

Worse, their plight has been minimized by anti-immigrant forces.

They never met Henry.

The Nightmare of Graduation Day 

Henry and his parents visited my office about two months before his high school graduation.  They sought direction about his future.

On paper, Henry was the All American kid.  In person, he was polite, well-mannered, and soft-spoken.

Henry was an 'A' student.  He had won many scholastic and good behavior awards.  He took first place in a district-wide science project competition.  Henry was also ASB vice-president and an ROTC member.  He was the ace pitcher on his school's baseball team.

Henry's immediate goals were simple.  "I'd like to join the army," he told me, "so I can help protect my country which has given me so much."

As complete as Henry's resume looked, it lacked one major item - legal documents to live in the United States.

He was brought here at the age of 5 when his parents entered the country without permission.  Working at minimum wage, his parents supported Henry in a stable home.  They raised Henry to believe good behavior and hard work would open doors of opportunity.

Instead, with graduation nearing, Henry had nowhere to turn.

His dream of joining the U.S. army was not possible.  He could not legally work or go to college.

At the end of our meeting, the hopelessness of Henry and his parents was apparent.  As they left my office, light tears rolled down Henry's cheeks.

Henry deserves better.

A Light at the End of the Tunnel?

Whenever immigration reform discussions begin, Congress is expected to argue over the merits of the DREAM Act.  This proposal would allow young Henry and other immigrants students the possibility of lawful resident status.

Opponents will assert the legislation is a form of blanket amnesty.  They're wrong. 

As an immigration lawyer who helps immigrants earn permanent residence and U.S. citizenship, I know there are no shortcuts provided by the DREAM Act. 

Under the most current version, lawful permanent resident status is only granted if immigrant children meet certain requirements over an 11 year period.

In addition, during a six-year period of "conditional resident status," they must (a) demonstrate a record of good moral character and (b) successfully complete at least two years of service in the armed forces or attendance at a college.

For innocent and deserving immigrant children like Henry, I hope Congress sees fit this round to provide them with light at the end of the tunnel.

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My son was beaten and stabbed a few nights ago.

By a group of young immigrants.

I've spent my career defending immigrants. My commitment faces constant criticism. 

Far too often, news stories tell about immigrants who perform bad acts.  Even friends and colleagues question my values when such events are reported.

I understand their concerns.  But I've seen the positive aspects of immigration in my own life.  From my perspective, the good which flows from immigrant contributions outweighs the bad.

My dad was an immigrant.  My mother had roots in two different countries.  My parents were laborers with little education.  My father spent the early part of his life here as a farm worker, the latter as a dishwasher and kitchen helper for a Chinese restaurant.  My mother worked in factories until her bad back forced her to move into housecleaning.  They made positive contributions to American society.  They were unsung American heroes.

Like many immigrants, they brought a solid moral foundation with them. 

I was raised to use good manners, to be polite and courteous, and to respect my elders.  I was taught to do my best at all times.  I was encouraged to study hard, to work hard, and to help others.  I was taught to obey the law - and not to harm others.

The incident a few nights ago shook the foundations of my world.  My personal views on deportation defense were again called into question.  This time I am the examiner.

The ugly realities about immigration and our society, which, for me, were way out there - are staring back at me.  And they've never been closer.

I'm shocked, hurt, angry, and saddened - all at once.

I suspect some of the youths who stabbed my son feel left out of the American mosaic.  It doesn't excuse their actions.

These types of misguided actions, whether committed by citizens or immigrants, destroy the fabric of society. 

For many immigrants, striving in all the right ways to be accepted into the American community, the negative effects are magnified.

Those who harmed my son did nothing to change the good that my parents accomplished.  But they undermine the efforts of new immigrants who, like my parents, simply want to earn an honest day's wage for an honest day's work. 

One consequence of such heinous behavior is the call for stricter immigration laws.  There are no exemptions.  Worthy immigrants who would benefit from positive reform are forced to continue hiding in the shadows of American communities.

In stabbing my son, these immigrant thugs stabbed all immigrants.

Thank God, I still have my son.

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After waiting 2 1/2 hours, my client was finally called for her green card interview.

We headed to the hallway door to meet the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services officer.  I extended my right hand to greet the officer and introduce myself.  He turned and walked away.  With his back to us, he said, "Follow me."

My client's face turned colorless.  Fear ran up and down her spine.  I whispered, "Don't worry.  It's okay."

I again extended my right hand as we entered the officer's room.  He looked at me and said,"We do not shake hands with immigrants seeking benefits."

"Really," I asked, "is that a written policy?"

He ignored the question.

Maybe I'm too old-fashioned.  As I was growing up, my mother taught me to always shake hands.

President Obama has indicated he wants to implement changes to government bureaucracy.  I suggest starting with improved customer relations training for immigration office employees.

A Culture of Rudeness

The attitude displayed by the USCIS officer is not an isolated incident.  In my experience, too many immigration offices are infected with a culture of rudeness.  Not all, but too many.

• Filing window clerks who fling papers at clients and attorneys rather than respond to simple inquiries about procedures or forms
• Security guards who treat visitors as if they are enemy terrorist suspects
• Detention officers who place callers on hold for 20 minutes before asking the callers about their names or reasons for calling
• Immigration judges who act like having tantrums on the bench is a form of judicial discretion

Government lawyers are not exempt from this epidemic. 

Having been an immigration trial attorney in Riverside and San Diego for over 16 years, as I've walked into immigration court, I offer to shake hands with opposing counsel.  Most return my gesture.  Yet, some appear shocked. They stare incredulously at me .  .  .  as if I am doing something foreign to legal etiquette. 

And unfortunately, this handshake is sometimes the end of civility.  More often than I care to remember, I've needed to remind opposing counsel it is not necessary to personalize our legal dispute or vilify my immigration client.

A Lesson From Basketball

Like President Obama, I played a lot of basketball as a young man. 

I remember many intense games at a church playground with a dangling chain-link basket.  We would try our hardest to beat each other.  Afterward, we would head to a small neighborhood grocery store.  We would put our money together to buy and share twinkies and chocolate milk.  Despite the furious competition just minutes earlier, there was rarely lingering animosity.

I learned an invaluable lesson from those basketball games -- a lesson it appears our president has also learned.

Mere opposition does not justify belligerence.

This lesson guides my interaction with those on the other side when I represent clients.

Even though my clients are immigrants from foreign countries, the rude, and often mean-spirited, attitude displayed at many immigration offices is inappropriate.  Government employees are public servants, and role models for the public they serve.  

I am not alone in my position.  As the Institute for Civility in Government notes, if government will not model civic responsibility, how can we expect others in society to be any different? 

Just ask Kayne West, Serena Williams, or Joe Wilson.

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